Counting Caste: The Promise and Peril of India's Next Census

What is the immediate issue?

The central issue is the methodology being tested for enumerating caste in the upcoming Census 2027. A pre-test for the census began on July 6, 2026, across 16 States and Union Territories and is scheduled to conclude on July 20, 2026. This exercise employs an “open column” where respondents verbally state their caste, which is then recorded verbatim. This approach has triggered significant debate because a similar method used during the 2011 Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) was deemed a failure. The government has stated it will finalise the methodology after analysing the pre-test results. The decision is critical, as this would be the first time since 1931 that caste data is collected as part of the main, statutory census.

Why was the 2011 SECC data considered unusable?

The raw caste data from the 2011 SECC was never officially released due to its unreliability, which stemmed directly from the open-ended enumeration method. This approach led to a massive and chaotic proliferation of caste names. Official sources indicate that the 2011 SECC returned more than 46 lakh distinct “caste names,” an astronomically high figure compared to the 4,147 castes tabulated in the 1931 Census. The discrepancy arose because respondents provided a mix of surnames, sub-castes, clan names (gotras), and phonetic variations, which were recorded as distinct entries. In a 2021 affidavit to the Supreme Court, the Union Government stated that the SECC 2011 data was “fraught with mistakes and inaccuracies” and unusable for official purposes, including the formulation of reservation policies.

What are the arguments for conducting a comprehensive caste census?

Proponents, including a wide coalition of political parties and social justice advocates, contend that a reliable caste census is indispensable for effective governance and social equity. They argue that policymaking currently relies on data from 1931, which is nearly a century old. Without contemporary, empirical evidence on the population and socio-economic conditions of various Other Backward Classes (OBCs), the targeting of welfare schemes remains based on outdated estimates. Accurate data is also seen as essential for rationalising the existing reservation framework, informing policies on the 'creamy layer' exclusion, and enabling the sub-categorisation of the 27% OBC quota to ensure benefits reach the most marginalised. The Justice G. Rohini Commission, formed in 2017 to examine this issue, reportedly faced challenges due to this absence of granular data. Finally, a new census could provide the 'quantifiable data' required to legally re-evaluate the 50% ceiling on reservations imposed by the Supreme Court in its 1992 Indra Sawhney judgment. The 2022-23 Bihar Caste Survey, which found that OBCs and Extremely Backward Classes constitute over 63% of the state’s population, was used by the state government to justify increasing its reservation quota to 65%.